Religion and the Presidential Vote: A Tale of Two Gaps
Sympathy for the Poor and for Government Aid Programs Returns to 1980s Levels
WASHINGTON (By
By
John C. Green, Senior Fellow in Religion
and American Politics,
Pew Research Center) August 24, 2007 — For the
presidential candidates and the pundits
who write about them, one concern in the
2008 campaign is the "religion gap" —
shorthand for the religious differences
between Republican and Democratic
voters. An analysis of national exit
polls from 2004 shows there is not one
but two religion gaps — one based on
religious affiliation and the other
based on frequency of attendance at
worship services. Recent surveys by the
Pew Research Center provide evidence
that both of these religion gaps are at
work as the public evaluates the
candidates for the 2008 presidential
race. The surveys also indicate that the
Democrats may be doing better than they
did in 2004 among some religious groups.
Candidates have long recognized religious affiliation as a significant factor in American elections. In the 1940s, for example, Catholics tended to vote Democratic and mainline Protestants tended to vote Republican. A similar gap now exists between white evangelical Protestants, who are strongly Republican, and black Protestants, who are strongly Democratic.
In the last three decades, however, a second religion gap has appeared, this one based on frequency of attendance at worship services. Voters who report attending religious services at least once a week — regardless of religious affiliation — tend to vote more Republican. Those who say they attend religious services less often (termed "less observant" for the purpose of this analysis) tend to vote more Democratic.
The Religion Gaps in 2004
In the 2004 presidential election, exit polling by the National Election Pool found that religious affiliation and frequency of attendance at worship services had a larger impact than many other, better-known factors, including the "gender gap" between men and women and the "class gap" between the most and least affluent voters.

The difference in the votes of evangelical Protestants and black Protestants is an example of the affiliation gap; 79% of evangelical Protestants voted for President Bush, compared with 14% of black Protestants — a difference of 65 percentage points. (See the note below for an explanation of the definitions used in this analysis for these and other religious groups.) Members of some religious groups, including mainline Protestants, divided their votes more equally between Bush and his Democratic opponent, Sen. John Kerry. But large differences separated mainline Protestants from evangelical Protestants in their support for Bush (a 25-percentage-point gap) and mainline Protestants from black Protestants in their support for Kerry (a 40-point gap).
The religion gap based on attendance, although not as stark as the affiliation gap, is also significant. Within all the major religious traditions surveyed, people who attended religious services at least once a week voted more Republican than did their less-observant counterparts within the same religious affiliation.
Among evangelical Protestants, for example, Bush received support from 82% of those who attended services at least weekly, compared with support from 72% of those who attended services less frequently (a gap of 10 percentage points). Comparing evangelical Protestants' support for Bush with that for Kerry, Bush held a 44-point advantage over Kerry among evangelical Protestants who attended services less than weekly. However, the advantage for Bush increased to 64 points among evangelical Protestants who attended services at least weekly.
The pattern also held true within religious traditions that generally supported Kerry. Among black Protestants, Kerry received greater support from those who attended services less than once a week than from those who attended services weekly or more often (92% vs. 83%, a nine-percentage-point gap). Comparing black Protestants' support for Kerry with that for Bush, Kerry held an 84-point advantage among those who attended services less than weekly. However, the advantage decreased to 66 points among black Protestants who attended services at least once a week.
The gap based on frequency of attendance at worship services also is apparent even within religious traditions that split their votes somewhat more equally between the two candidates. For example, among non-Latino Catholics, Bush received much greater support than did Kerry from those who attended services at least weekly (a 24-point gap), while Bush's support among those who attended services less than once a week was not as overwhelming (a six-point gap).
No Religious Majority at the Ballot Box

An analysis of religion-based voting patterns shows that no simple "religious majority" exists in the American electorate. In the 2004 presidential election, for example, weekly attending evangelical Protestants and less-observant mainline Protestants accounted for the largest portions of the popular vote (each at 14%), and most religious constituencies accounted for less than 10%. As a result, presidential campaigns are forced to assemble broad coalitions encompassing many religious communities, and the two religion gaps help define the composition of these coalitions.
In 2004 the most important group in Bush's re-election coalition was evangelical Protestants, who accounted for a third of his total votes on Election Day. He also obtained modest but crucial support from members of other religious groups, such as the unaffiliated, who on balance voted Democratic.
Kerry drew strong support from religiously unaffiliated voters (about one-in-five of his total votes) and a diverse array of other groups, including black Protestants and non-Latino Catholics. He also won some votes from largely Republican-leaning groups, including evangelical Protestants.
What about 2008?

There is some preliminary evidence that the affiliation gap again is at work in the lead-up to the 2008 presidential election.
A
January 2007 Pew survey, for example,
asked people if they would most like to
vote for a conservative Republican
candidate, a moderate Republican
candidate, a moderate Democratic
candidate or a liberal Democratic
candidate for president in 2008. As in
2004, religious affiliation appears to
be an important factor in the responses:
Evangelical Protestants were the most
likely to back a Republican presidential
candidate. Conversely, the lowest level
of support for a Republican came from
unaffiliated voters and a composite of
religious groups — including black
Protestants — that were too small to
break out individually in the Pew
survey. Falling in between were mainline
Protestants and non-Latino Catholics;
their support for a Republican was lower
than that of evangelical Protestants but
higher than that of the unaffiliated.
The gap based on frequency of attendance at worship services also may be at work. Regardless of affiliation, weekly attenders were more likely to back a Republican candidate than were the less observant. The survey also showed, however, that many of the constituencies that backed Bush in 2004, including less-observant evangelical Protestants, are more likely to support a Democratic candidate in 2008. In addition, the Democrats are attracting even stronger support from religious constituencies that backed Kerry in 2004. For example, 38% of weekly attending non-Latino Catholics voted for Kerry in 2004, but 52% say they would "like to vote" for a Democrat in 2008.
These early preferences must be viewed with caution, however. It is possible, for instance, that the survey results may simply reflect President Bush's low popularity at the time the survey was conducted. Moreover, the survey questions did not mention specific candidates for either party.
But if the patterns in these early surveys were to translate into votes in the 2008 general election, the Democrats would do better among some groups of religious voters than in 2004. Whichever candidate prevails, the religion gaps are likely to help explain the outcome.