WASHINGTON DC (By Jennifer Steinhauer, NYTimes) August 5, 2008 ―
Well before Senators Barack Obama and John McCain rose to the top of
their parties, a partisan shift was under way at the local and state
level. For more than three years starting in 2005, there has been a
reduction in the number of voters who register with the Republican
Party and a rise among voters who affiliate with Democrats and,
almost as often, with no party at all.
While the implications of the
changing landscape for Mr. Obama and Mr. McCain are far from clear,
voting experts say the registration numbers may signal the beginning
of a move away from Republicans that could affect local, state and
national politics over several election cycles. Already, there has
been a sharp reversal for Republicans in many statehouses and
governors’ mansions.
In several states, including the
traditional battlegrounds of Nevada and Iowa, Democrats have
surprised their own party officials with significant gains in
registration. In both of those states, there are now more registered
Democrats than Republicans, a flip from 2004. No states have
switched to the Republicans over the same period, according to data
from 26 of the 29 states in which voters register by party. (Three
of the states did not have complete data.)
In six states, including Iowa,
New Hampshire and Pennsylvania, the Democratic piece of the
registration pie grew more than three percentage points, while the
Republican share declined. In only three states — Kentucky,
Louisiana and Oklahoma — did Republican registration rise while
Democratic registration fell, but the Republican increase was less
than a percentage point in Kentucky and Oklahoma. Louisiana was the
only state to register a gain of more than one percentage point for
Republicans as Democratic numbers declined.
Over the same period, the share
of the electorate that registers as independent has grown at a
faster rate than Republicans or Democrats in 12 states. The rise has
been so significant that in states like Arizona, Colorado and North
Carolina, nonpartisan voters essentially constitute a third party.
Swings in party registration are
not uncommon from one year to the next, or even over two years.
Registration, moreover, often has no impact on how people actually
vote, and people sometimes switch registration to vote in a primary,
then flip again come Election Day.
But for a shift away from one
party to sustain itself — the current registration trend is now in
its fourth year — is remarkable, researchers who study voting
patterns say. And though comparable data are not available for the
21 states where voters do not register by party, there is evidence
that an increasing number of voters in those states are also moving
away from the Republican Party based on the results of recent state
and Congressional elections, the researchers said.
“This is very suggestive that
there is a fundamental change going on in the electorate,” said
Michael P. McDonald, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution
and an associate professor of political science at George Mason
University who has studied voting patterns.
Mr. McDonald added that, more
typically, voting and registration patterns tended to even out or
revert to the opposing party between elections.
Dick Armey, the former House
majority leader and one of the designers of the so-called Republican
Revolution of 1994, said: “Obviously, these are not good numbers for
the party to be looking at. Democrats have always had extremely
broad multifaceted registration programs.”
But in terms of the presidential
election, Mr. Armey said the tea leaves were harder to read.
“I think the key in this one is,
where do all these new independent voters break?” he said. “I think
right now, you’ve got a guy in western Pennsylvania saying, ‘I am
really disgusted right now and I’m not going to register as a
Republican anymore, but I really don’t want this guy Obama
elected.’ ”
Those in charge of state
Democratic parties cite a national displeasure with the Bush
administration as an impetus for the changing numbers, which run
counter to a goal of Karl Rove, President Bush’s former top adviser,
to create a permanent realignment in favor of Republicans.
“I think nationally and here,
people are kind of tired of the way this administration has been
conducting the policies of this country,” said Pat Waak, chairwoman
of the Colorado Democratic Party.
Yet while an unpopular war, a
faltering economy and a president held in low esteem have certainly
combined to hurt the Republican Party, Democrats are also benefiting
from demographic changes, including the rise in the number of
younger voters and the urbanization of suburbs, which has resulted
in a different political flavor there, voting and campaign experts
said. The party has also been helped by a recent willingness to run
more pragmatic candidates, who have helped make the party more
appealing to a broader swath of the electorate.
Among the 26 states with
registration data, the percentage of those who have signed on with
Democrats has risen in 15 states since 2004, and the percentage for
Republicans has risen in six, according to state data. The number of
registered Democrats fell in 11 states, compared with 20 states
where Republican registration numbers fell.
In the 26 states and the District
of Columbia where registration data were available, the total number
of registered Democrats increased by 214,656, while the number of
Republicans fell by 1,407,971.
The unsettled political ground
has manifested itself in state and local elections. Twenty-three
state legislatures are controlled by Democrats and 14 by
Republicans, with 12 states with divided chambers (Nebraska has a
nonpartisan legislature). After the 2000 election, 16 state
legislatures were dominated by Democrats, and 17 by Republicans,
with 16 divided.
It is a similar story in
governors’ mansions. After the 2004 election, there were 28
Republican governors and 22 Democrats; those numbers are now
reversed. After the 2000 election, there were only 19 Democratic
governors.
Elected Democrats have made
significant inroads even in places where Republicans have enjoyed a
generation of dominance. In Colorado, for example, Democrats control
the governorship and both houses of the Legislature for the first
time in over four decades. Last year, Virginia Democrats gained a
21-to-19 majority over Republicans in the State Senate, the first
time the party has controlled that body in a decade.
In New Hampshire, Democrats are
in control of both the legislative and executive branches for the
first time since 1874. In Iowa, Democrats have taken over that
statehouse for the first time in a generation.
The changes in state government
could have broad implications for Congressional redistricting and on
policies like immigration, health care reform and environmental
regulation, which are increasingly decided at the state level.
In many states, Democrats have
benefited from a rise in younger potential voters, after declines or
small increases in the number of those voters in the 1980s and ’90s.
The population of 18- to 24-year-olds rose from about 27 million in
2000 to nearly 30 million in 2006, according to Census figures.
Mr. Obama’s candidacy has drawn
many young people to register to vote, and some of the recent gains
by Democrats have no doubt been influenced by excitement over his
campaign. But even before Mr. Obama’s ascendancy among Democrats,
younger voters were moving toward the Democratic Party, demographers
said.
Dowell Myers, a professor of
policy, planning and development at the University of Southern
California, also noted that a younger, native-born generation of
Latinos who have a tendency to support Democrats is coming of age.
Further, young Americans have
migrated in recent years to high-growth states that have
traditionally been dominated by Republicans, like Arizona, Colorado
and Nevada, which may have had an impact on the changing
registration numbers in those places.
The changing face of many
American suburbs has also had in impact both in voter registration
and voting patterns. In many major metropolitan areas, suburbs that
were once largely white and Republican have become more mixed, as
people living in cities have been priced out into surrounding areas,
and exurban regions have absorbed those residents who once favored
the close-in suburbs of cities.
“What we speculate is that
density attracts Democrats,” said Robert Lang, director of the
Metropolitan Institute at Virginia Tech who has researched voting
patterns. “It is not that people move to those areas and change
positions. It tends now to be a self-selection of singles, childless
couples,” who tend to vote Democrat more than their married with
children counterparts.
In the nation’s 50 largest
metropolitan areas, Democrats carried nearly 60 percent of the
Congressional vote in 2006 in inner suburbs, up from about 53
percent in 2002, according to Mr. Lang’s research.
This trend is particularly
evident in places like St. Louis, southern Pennsylvania and Fairfax
County, Va., which President Bush won in 2000 but lost in 2004.
Senator Claire McCaskill,
Democrat of Missouri, who won her seat in 2006, picked up the large
majority of voters in the St. Louis and Kansas City metropolitan
areas, and Senator Jim Webb, also a Democrat, won his seat in a
similar manner in Virginia, which has not voted for a Democrat for
president since 1964.
Democrats have also succeeded, at
least in part, by running centrist candidates where they are most
needed. Bill Ritter, the Democratic governor of Colorado and former
district attorney of Denver, opposes abortion rights. Among the men
who flipped three of Indiana’s eight Congressional seats in the
midterm election in 2006, two also oppose both abortion rights and
gun control.
What the demographers, political
scientists and party officials wonder now is whether the shift of
the last few years will be sustained.
“Major political realignment is
not just controlling the branches of government,” said Mr. McDonald
of the Brookings Institution. “It is when you decisively do it. We
haven’t seen that in modern generations.”